(Originally published in Enduring America: http://enduringamerica.com/2009/12/03/afghanistan-special-josh-shahryar-on-the-obama-not-so-grand-plan/)

Finally Barack Obama made up his mind about sending more troops to Afghanistan? If so, it’s a vague resolution: the only specifics were that there would be 30,000+ more troops sent to fight the Taliban and troop withdrawal would start in 2011.

This is an annouSecurityncement that comes up short in so many ways. Fighting the Taliban shoud not be the only worry for the US and the West. There are a wide range of issues that are jeopardizing security, stability, and democracy in Afghanistan, but none of those issues were discussed with even the vaguest of details.

Afghanistan may be a failure inherited by Obama from former President George W. Bush, but 10 months is enough to forget President Bush’s flaws for a moment and start scrutinizing President Obama’s policies. After those 10 months, the best that we get out of Obama is that he’s simply going to press ahead — there has been no major shift in policy.

The most important of the issues ignored by Obama is the presence of warlords in the Afghan government, as their continued exercise of authority has made the Afghan populace disillusioned with the West’s approach to their troubles. There’s the far-from-minor issue of Afghanistan turning into a narco-state. And Obama’s plan outlines little on how the US is going to deal with Pakistan’s continued sloth in stopping Taliban militants engaging in cross-border raids.

Corruption has become so widespread that hardly anything gets done in Afghanistan without being first tainted with a side-deal. The most prominent recent example is the serious allegations against the Minister of Mines and Industries, who reportedly received millions from China to grant them access to one of Afghanistan’s largest copper mines. There’s the challenge of making Afghanistan a state that is viable and not just heavily dependent on foreign aid. The trickle of money from the West, which will dry up sooner or later, and the sale of opium are propping up the country. Add to that astronomical unemployment, and you have a catastrophe in the making.

None of the above is addressed in a satisfactory manner in the Obama plan. In essence, this is simply a make-over of Bush’s policy in Iraq – a policy that might have succeeded there but might completely fail in Afghanistan. For, without addressing the above issues, even a million US troops will do little to help the situation.

Worse, Obama’s not-so-grand package is wrapped in the announcement that troops would start to be flown back in 2011. This gives the resilient Taliban a simple timetable to follow. They’ve kept fighting for eight years, so no difficulty for them to sit back for two years and then start fighting full-force again .

On what basis is Obama going to bring the troops back? What makes him so sure that the war would be won or even stabilized by 2011? None of these questions were answered by the President, his plan, or his associates.

This is not the Iraq War. The people are different, their needs are different, and their problems are different. For all his rhetoric of change, Obama seems to really lack an understanding of what it really means here. And without that understanding, this war will continue to escalate and take more Afghan and American lives.

Originally written on November 1

Dr. Abdullah Abdullah announced today that he would not be participating in the upcoming Nov. 7 run-off against Hamid Karzai. The decision comes at Abdullah Abdullaha time when both Afghans and the West are waiting patiently for a new government so both political factions can develop a much-needed plan to urgently deal with the rising tide of insecurity in the country. However, Abdullah’s decision to back out may just plunge Afghanistan into chaos.


Abdullah’s decision is rooted in two main issues. The first was the retention of Azizullah Lodin as head of the Independent Election Commission. A Karzai appointee, Lodin is seen by Abdullah’s camp and a large portion of the population as being heavily biased in favor of the President. Under his leadership, the 20 August election was so rigged that, after weeks of scrutiny and debate, a Karzai first-round victory had to be converted into a run-off. So it is no surprise that Abdullah wants Lodin and several other officials out.

Afghanistan’s electorate is very unevenly distributed on a very rugged and often inaccessible terrain. Difficulties are compounded because security is at its worst since the US-led invasion in 2001. Under these circumstances, it would be almost impossible for elections to be free and fair with or without Lodin. His presence, however, will make matters even worse.

The other, equally important issue for Abdullah was a change in Afghanistan’s constitution in order to create the post of Prime Minister, with Abdullah or one of his key supporters could be appointed to that position. This is often kept under wraps by the media and its euphemism “a power-sharing deal”.

The negotiations are caught up in ethnic politics. Karzai belongs to the Pashtun ethnic group to which most of the Taliban also belong. Abdullah gets most of his support from the Tajik, the second-largest ethnic group. Together, Pashtuns and Tajiks make up more than three-quarters of Afghanistan’s population.

Since the constitution was drafted, the main point of contention between the two ethnic factions has been over strong presidential government. As Pashtuns make up 40 percent of Afghanistan’s population, versus the Tajiks’ 30 percent, % of the population, a Pashtun President is almost guaranteed.

This would be balanced if a Parliament-appointed prime minister was established.
Even though Pashtuns make up a larger share of the population, they are more widely dispersed across the country. This dilutes their political power, as Pashtuns almost always receive a smaller percentage of seats in the Parliament compared to their numerical supremacy than they would if they weren’t as widely distributed. This gap was evident in Afghanistan’s first Parliament, elected in 2005, where a Tajik narrowly beat a Pashtun to become the Speaker.

Under these circumstances, Karzai’s insistence upon not sacking Lodin is both naïve and politically disastrous. However, Abdullah’s insistence upon forcing a constitutional change before an election is equally naïve. Hours before Abdullah’s announcement, US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton noted that the legitimacy of the election would not be questioned because of Abdullah’s departure. This is a clear signal to Abdullah that, in the next week before the run-off, there simply is not enough time or patience left for the West to sit down with Karzai and persuade him to meet Abdullah’s demands.

However, Abdullah represents a large segment of the Afghan population. His departure from the election is surely going to rouse their discontent with not just Karzai but also the US. This is dangerous for Washington: most of Karzai’s support comes from areas that are hostile towards the US but Abdullah is backed by regions that are for the most part pro-US. If the situation is not handled delicately by the West, it risks losing the support of the majority of Afghanistan’s population and plunging the relatively safer areas into insecurity as well.

A compromise solution is urgently needed to solve this crisis. If Karzai were to meet half of Abdullah’s demands and postpone the other half for after the election, chaos might be averted. Removing Lodin and other officials from their posts would make the elections more acceptable to the populace. This in turn would give both Karzai and Abdullah enough leverage to change the constitution.

Under the current circumstances, even though Abdullah has refrained from asking his supporters to boycott the election or come out to streets, the situation remains critical. The West might have to step in once again to salvage the peace.

Published Originally on Enduring America http://enduringamerica.com/2009/11/01/emergency-analysis-josh-shahryar-on-afghanistans-political-turmoil/

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